MPH 520 Week 1 Theories of Health Behavior Applied to a Public Health Problem Example

Reviewed by Lenora Whitcombe, MSN, RN · University of Phoenix · Updated

This MPH 520 Week 1 example applies theories of health behavior to a public health problem: why few adults with prediabetes enroll in a diabetes prevention program run by the same composite Colorado health department. University of Phoenix MPH 520 focuses on social and behavioral science concepts for identifying and solving public health problems, and in its first week MPH/520 students typically explain major theories of health behavior and apply their constructs to a specific behavior. The APA 7 paper starts with a landmark trial in which lifestyle intervention cut new diabetes by 58% and metformin by 31%, yet only 9% of referred adults enrolled locally. The health belief model's perceived susceptibility, severity, benefits and barriers, cues and self-efficacy explain part of the gap. Social cognitive theory adds outcome expectations, self-efficacy and the environment. Construct-by-construct recommendations close the paper.

CourseMPH 520 Social and Behavioral Aspects of Public Health (MPH/520)
Week1
Paper typeHealth behavior theory paper
Lengthabout 1,154 words, 4 double-spaced pages plus title page and references
FormatAPA 7 student paper
SchoolUniversity of Phoenix
ProgramMPH
UpdatedSeptember 2026

Free sample paper for MPH 520 Week 1

1

Why Knowing About Prediabetes Is Not Enough: Using the Health Belief Model and Social Cognitive Theory to Explain Low Enrollment in a Diabetes Prevention Program

[Student Name]

University of Phoenix

MPH/520: Social and Behavioral Aspects of Public Health

Week 1 Assignment

[Instructor Name]

[Date]

The county health department, its program and enrollment figures are composites written for a model paper; county estimates and research findings come from the sources cited.

What this part is doingThe title names the gap between knowledge and action, because explaining that gap is what behavior theories are for.
2

The diabetes prevention coordinator at a composite southern Colorado county health department had a program that worked and almost nobody in it. Clinics had referred 620 adults with prediabetes in the past year to the department's year-long lifestyle program. Fifty-six enrolled, 9%. She asked why, and turned to theories of health behavior for an answer. This paper applies two of them.

The Size of the Opportunity

Preventing type 2 diabetes is one of public health's clearest opportunities. In a landmark randomized trial of adults with elevated blood glucose, an intensive program of modest weight reduction plus regular brisk activity cut the incidence of diabetes by 58%, and metformin reduced it by 31%, compared with placebo (Diabetes Prevention Program Research Group, 2002). County estimates for adults in Pueblo County, the model for this composite county, show age-adjusted diagnosed diabetes at 10.4%, obesity at 32.3% and no leisure-time physical activity at 25.7%.

Who Was Referred

The 620 referred adults were mostly between 40 and 64, about half Hispanic, and many worked in hospitals, warehouses, schools and the steel mill. About a third were covered by Medicaid. Understanding who they were mattered because each theory's constructs play out differently across work schedules, cultures and incomes.

The Behavior in Question

The behavior to explain is specific: enrolling in and attending a year-long lifestyle change program after a clinician's referral. General statements about why people do not exercise are less useful than understanding this decision.

What this part is doingNarrowing to one behavior makes the constructs testable against what referred adults actually said.
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Listening First

The coordinator interviewed 24 referred adults who had not enrolled. Their words guided the application of both theories.

The Health Belief Model

Under the health belief model, a person acts to protect their health when convinced they could get the condition, that it is serious, that action will benefit them and that the barriers are outweighed, with cues to action prompting the decision and, in later versions, self-efficacy supporting it. Janz and Becker's ten-year review of studies using the model concluded that perceived barriers were the most powerful single dimension across studies, with perceived susceptibility and benefits also important (Janz & Becker, 1984).

Perceived Susceptibility

Many interviewees did not believe prediabetes meant much. One man said his doctor called it borderline, so he figured he was fine. Low perceived susceptibility undermined motivation from the start.

Perceived Severity

Most knew diabetes was serious, often from relatives who had lost toes or sight or needed dialysis in their fifties. Severity was high; susceptibility was the weak link.

Perceived Benefits

Few knew that a modest weight loss could cut their risk by more than half. Several thought only medication would help, and none had heard of the national trial behind the program.

Perceived Barriers

Barriers were the strongest theme. The program met on weekday evenings at the health department, across town for many. Shift workers could not attend. Some worried about cost, though the program was free. Several said a year felt too long.

Cues to Action

Referral was a cue, but often weak: a line on a visit summary rather than a conversation. Those who had enrolled usually recalled a clinician who explained the risk and urged them to go.

Self-Efficacy

Several doubted they could change. A woman who had tried diets said she always failed, so why try again.

What the Health Belief Model Explains

The model explains much of the gap: low perceived susceptibility, unclear benefits and high barriers. People who thought borderline meant safe had no reason to spend a year in a program.

Social Cognitive Theory

Social cognitive theory explains behavior through interactions among personal factors, behavior and the environment. It emphasizes knowledge of risks and benefits, perceived self-efficacy, outcome expectations, goals and perceived facilitators and impediments, and argues that self-efficacy is a foundation of health behavior change (Bandura, 2004).

Outcome Expectations

Interviewees expected a program to mean hard diets and gym workouts they disliked. They did not expect it to be manageable or enjoyable.

Self-Efficacy Revisited

Self-efficacy grows through mastery, seeing similar people succeed, encouragement and managing stress. Few interviewees knew anyone who had completed the program.

The Environment

Social cognitive theory also points to the environment. Many interviewees lived where fresh food was costly and parks felt unsafe. Their families ate together, and changing meals meant changing the household.

What this part is doingThe environment construct reaches factors the health belief model leaves out.
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What Enrollees Said

The coordinator also interviewed eight people who had enrolled. Most described a clinician who took time to explain the risk and a friend or relative who came with them. Several said the first session surprised them: it was about small changes in familiar meals and walking with others, not strict diets. Their experience confirmed the importance of cues, social support and realistic outcome expectations.

Comparing the Theories

The health belief model explains the decision to enroll: whether people see enough risk and benefit to outweigh barriers. Social cognitive theory explains whether people believe they can succeed and how their environment helps or hinders. Together they explain more than either alone.

What Neither Explains Well

Neither theory fully addresses shift schedules, transportation or household food budgets, which are structural. Later weeks in this course will add social ecological and social determinants perspectives.

Why Two Theories Rather Than One

Using two theories reduced the risk of forcing the evidence into one framework. Where they agreed, such as on self-efficacy, the coordinator had more confidence. Where they differed, the comparison revealed gaps, especially the environmental and structural barriers the health belief model tends to treat as individual perceptions rather than real constraints.

Testing the Explanation

Before redesigning the program, the coordinator checked her interpretation with a focus group of referred adults. They agreed that the word borderline had reassured them and that evening sessions across town were the biggest barrier, which confirmed the priorities for change.

Recommendation for Susceptibility

Clinicians will explain prediabetes as a warning sign, not a borderline result, using a script tested with patients.

Recommendation for Benefits and Outcome Expectations

Referral materials will state the program's evidence plainly and show what sessions actually involve.

Recommendation for Barriers

The program will add weekend and lunchtime groups at clinics and churches and a virtual option.

Recommendation for Self-Efficacy

Graduates will co-lead sessions and share their stories, providing models similar to participants.

Measures

The department will track enrollment among referred adults, session attendance and changes in perceived susceptibility and self-efficacy measured at intake and at six months, comparing clinics that adopt the new referral conversation with those that have not yet adopted it.

Conclusion

A program that works cannot help people who do not enroll. The health belief model showed that low perceived susceptibility, unclear benefits and high barriers kept referred adults away; social cognitive theory added low self-efficacy, discouraging expectations and a difficult environment. Recommendations tied to specific constructs give the department a theory-based plan to close the gap between referral and enrollment.

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References

Bandura, A. (2004). Health promotion by social cognitive means. Health Education & Behavior, 31(2), 143-164. https://doi.org/10.1177/1090198104263660

Diabetes Prevention Program Research Group. (2002). Reduction in the incidence of type 2 diabetes with lifestyle intervention or metformin. New England Journal of Medicine, 346(6), 393-403. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJMoa012512

Janz, N. K., & Becker, M. H. (1984). The health belief model: A decade later. Health Education Quarterly, 11(1), 1-47. https://doi.org/10.1177/109019818401100101

What the MPH 520 Week 1 instructions ask

The first MPH 520 paper generally has students explore theories of health behavior and apply them to a public health problem. Prompts may ask students to describe models such as the health belief model, social cognitive theory, the transtheoretical model or the theory of planned behavior, compare their assumptions, choose one or two to explain a specific behavior in a specific population and propose how the theory would guide intervention. Some versions ask for a comparison table of constructs. Check your section's instructions before choosing theories. Strong papers define each construct precisely, apply constructs to evidence about the population rather than general statements, recognize what each theory leaves out and turn the analysis into specific intervention ideas.

How this MPH 520 Week 1 example is built

The paper opens with the department's diabetes prevention coordinator puzzling over enrollment: of 620 adults referred by clinics with prediabetes last year, only 56 enrolled. The size of the prevention opportunity is shown with trial evidence and county estimates. The health belief model is applied construct by construct, drawing on interviews with referred adults. Social cognitive theory is then applied, highlighting self-efficacy, outcome expectations and the environment. The two theories are compared, including what neither explains well, such as work schedules and food costs. Recommendations tied to specific constructs close the paper, along with the measures that will show whether enrollment improves.

MPH 520 Week 1 grading rubric: where the points go

Grading for the theory week centers on getting the theories right and meaningful application to a specific problem. Graders look for constructs defined correctly, application to a specific behavior and population, evidence about that population, comparison of at least two theories, recognition of each theory's limits and intervention ideas linked to constructs. Peer-reviewed sources on the theories and on the health problem strengthen the paper. Using the words of affected people earns credit, as does noting what each theory cannot explain. Structure, clarity and APA citation make up the remaining credit. Papers that summarize theories without applying them, or apply them only in general terms, usually lose points, as do recommendations not tied to any construct.

MPH 520 Week 1 help: mistakes to avoid

Many MPH 520 Week 1 papers turn into textbook summaries of several theories with no application. Choose one specific behavior in one specific population, such as enrolling in a prevention program. Take each construct in turn and ask what it means for these people, using data or interviews rather than assumptions. Compare two theories and notice what each explains well and what it misses; individual-level theories often miss money, time, transportation and neighborhoods. Link every recommendation to a construct, so the theory actually shapes the intervention. Finally, name what you would measure to know whether the theory-based changes worked, and say when you would check.

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MPH 520 Week 1 questions, answered

What does MPH/520 Week 1 usually ask for?

In the opening paper, students usually describe theories of health behavior and apply their constructs to a specific public health problem and population.

Where can I find a free MPH 520 Week 1 sample paper?

The diabetes prevention theory paper above can be read without charge; each construct carries a note. Name the behavior you are studying, and we write your first paper free.

What are the constructs of the health belief model?

Perceived susceptibility, perceived severity, perceived benefits, perceived barriers, cues to action and self-efficacy, which together predict whether people take action to protect their health.

What is self-efficacy?

A person's confidence in their ability to carry out a specific behavior, a central construct in social cognitive theory that strongly predicts behavior change.

How effective is lifestyle intervention for preventing diabetes?

In a landmark randomized trial of adults at high risk, an intensive lifestyle intervention reduced the incidence of type 2 diabetes by 58% and metformin by 31% compared with placebo.

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This paper is an original model document written by our desk, not a submitted student paper and not an official University of Phoenix document. Read it for the moves, then write your own to the instructions in your classroom. If you want one built to your exact prompt and rubric, the first custom sample is free and arrives in 24 to 48 hours.